Based on freedom of contract principle, entities are free when signing contracts with each other. But this freedom of contract is limited with law, morals and general order. Whenever private contracts face with these limitations, the freedom principle takes no effect and therefore such a contract is not supported by GOVERNMENT. When such a contract is concluded, it has some effects imposed on two contract's parties and from which GOVERNMENT, as a third BENEFICIARY PARTY also benefits i.e. through collected taxes and levies. Sometimes in the contracts which are signed between two parties, it is observed that they intend to alter the latter effect by their agreement. The best example is the contract that includes the provision to tax one of the parties who is not the taxpayer (transferee). There is no doubt for legal penetration, its implied stipulation and public order opposition in this type of contract. Tax Administration as a BENEFICIARY of such a contract calculates and collects the amount of set tax and it doesn't insist on the original taxpayer stewardship. The difference between the two contract parties in the provision to be taken effect is verifiable in the judicial authorities. But the dispute between the parties and GOVERNMENT with regard to the enforcement of this provision has different implications.

The present research, focusing on the politics of the second Pahlavi PARTY line from 1336 to 1357, seeks to answer the question: why and how did Mohammad Reza Pahlavi followed PARTY line as a democratic tool for advancing his political goals and what results did he achieve in this regard? The findings of the research, which were collected in a descriptive-analytical way (method), indicate that the second Pahlavi with PARTY politics, on the one hand, followed the training of obedient cadres and the development of PARTY supervision over the pillars of people's lives, and finally the development of totalitarianism. And, on the other hand, with the forced participation of the masses in the political scene as well as the democratic show, it has sought to guarantee the legitimacy of the GOVERNMENT. But the results of this policy not only did not strengthen the Pahlavi GOVERNMENT, but accelerated its collapse.

The Islamic Republic PARTY was the leading political organization in the constituting process of the Islamic Republic political system. Furthermore, it was the most influential political PARTY during the first decade after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. This article investigates the understanding of politics and GOVERNMENT concepts in the political discourse of the Islamic Republic PARTY by using a metaphorical approach and tries to answer these questions: How were politics and GOVERNMENT comprehend in the Islamic Republic PARTY discourse? and which metaphors were the PARTY used to understand those concepts? Those metaphors were analyzed using the method of Metaphor Identification Procedure (MIP). The analysis demonstrated that the concepts of politics and GOVERNMENT, and related abstract concepts in the PARTY's discourse, were recognized by the use of everyday experiences that related to religious practices and perceptions. The maktabi (or doctrinaire) Islam, as the general metaphor, was the fundamental source domain of understanding those concepts. Source domains such as worship, duty, divine trust, and doctrinaire played a pivotal role in comprehending political concepts. As a result, in the political discourse of the Islamic Republic PARTY, politics and religion, the political institution and the religious institution, and political action and religious behavior are the same, and political knowledge and cognition are inseparable from religious consciousness.

When Islamist PARTY of J & D took power in turkey 2002, there appeared a new discourse in foreign policy. Ankara tried its best to enter in regional and international affairs as an active player.. Turkey tries Political stability and security more effective use of the potential of the EU in promoting regional and international policies, increased bargaining power in international relations, the most important benefits of Turkey's accession to the EU. Nowadays, J & D parties make policies to join EU. They uses all means like revising ideology, approaches and programs of the PARTY and performing political and economic reforms. The paper maneuvered on this approaches and programs to see that the PARTY is not and ideological Islamist foundation but a rational program-based one. Turkey's geo-strategic location and military capability is key to the Europe Union in international politics. Turkey is a country and NATO membership criteria, and it is good for Europe. This article discusses the foreign policy of Turkey's Justice and Development PARTY between 2002 and 2012 is the Europe Union. This paper uses analytical - descriptive and usage of library resources and the Internet is done.

Despite increase in the use of liability insurances, the legal nature of such contracts is not clear. The justification of impact of this contract on the contracting parties and the injured third parties is only possible by understanding the nature of such contracts. Inapplicability of the general rules of contracts in liability policies such as the obligation of the insurer in paying compensation to the injured third parties even when the insured causes damage intentionally and other instances which cannot be justified relying on general rules, all indicate that the nature of these insurance contracts must be looked at on their own. Although, like England, in Iran we can speak of an obligation in favor of a third PARTY and paying damage attributed to the insured, it seems that the nature of the contract is the compulsory liability, guarantee of the compensation for the injured by the rule of law and within the insurance contract.

The PARTY is one of the important components that has an important place in democratic systems. In fact, the PARTY is the link between the practice of governance and the standards of governance. Davood Farihi in his book “ Jurisprudence and PARTY Governance” tries to reconcile political jurisprudence with the GOVERNMENT. It is related to the emergence of parliament and the concept of law in the contemporary era and explains the position of parties in the Islamic political system. The results of Farihi’ s efforts show that the “ PARTY issue” in political jurisprudence is a logical extension of jurisprudence’ s confrontation with the modern GOVERNMENT. It is jurisprudential “ but the fact is that the PARTY in Iran is not jurisprudential and in this article, we criticize “ the issue of the PARTY in Iran is jurisprudential” in a descriptive and analytical way and based on library studies.

Throughout history, various countries have experienced the process of democratization with numerous ups and downs, largely influenced by the policies and actions of their GOVERNMENTs. Consequently, different forms of governance have emerged, including democratic, semi-democratic, and non-democratic regimes, each shaped by these fluctuations in democratization. Since the late Ottoman era, Turkey's democratization process has undergone multiple ups and downs due to GOVERNMENTal policies and actions. These transitions have led to diverse GOVERNMENTal structures, from the constitutional democracy of the late Ottoman period to the single-PARTY democracy of the Atatürk-İnönü era, from the multiPARTY democracy of the Menderes-Demirel period to the military-guardianship democracy, and from the liberal participatory democracy of the Özal-Erbakan era to the delegated, semi-authoritarian conservative liberal democracy of the Gulen-Gül-Erdoğan period (Research background). This study focuses on analyzing the ups and downs of Turkey’s democratization process and its GOVERNMENTal structures over the past two decades (problem). The research follows the theoretical framework of "process tracing" and utilizes library and digital sources (methodology). Under the Justice and Development PARTY (AKP) GOVERNMENT, Turkey’s democratization process has gone through three phases: "growth and consolidation," "weakening and decline," and "collapse and stagnation." As a result, three corresponding forms of governance can be traced: "conservative liberalism," "delegated democracy," and "declining semi-authoritarianism (Findings)."